ALTANTUYA’S story Malaysia is not the country for young women the most brutal murder
Musa Hassan had a mercurial rise to become IGP by fixing people up,. Ask anyone in PDRM and they will tell you that he was the author of poinson pen letters against former IGPs Tan Sri Norian Mai and even Tan Sri Bakri Omar. When he fell out with KDN (according to ADC Azizul’s SD), he asked Christopher Wan to create a fictitious blog to make accusations against the Deputy Home Minister Johari Baharom. He is the enemy from within as described by his ADC, ASP Azizul, that Musa is “pengkhianat and pagar yang makan padi”.
Doctors at RML Hospital and two key eyewitnesses continued to contradict the police’s version of protesters having caused grievous injuries to constable Subhash Chand Tomar, which led to his death, even as the probe into the matter was handed over to the crime branch.
The police produced the conclusions of the postmortem report of Tomar that listed internal injuries as having caused his death (the final report is awaited) and promptly sent a notice to RML Hospital’s medical superintendent to join the investigations.
Adding to the day’s drama were the two student eyewitnesses — Yogendra Tomar and Paulene — who maintained that Tomar had no signs of injury when they attended to the unconscious constable at India Gate on Sunday.
The post mortem report, read out by additional CP (New Delhi) K C Dwivedi said Tomar’s third, fourth and fifth ribs on the left side were broken and there was “mid-calibaculur bleeding” at several places. Police sources said effusion of blood was present in tissues and neck muscles and injuries were caused through heavy blows from a blunt object.
“He had a lot of injuries. His ribs had fractures. These multiple injuries aggravated his condition and led to cardiac arrest,” Dwivedi said. Police late in the evening also released excerpts of the postmortem report done by a board of doctors at Ram Manohar Lohia hospital, where Tomar died on Tuesday.
“Myocardial infarction (cardiac arrest) and its complications that could be precipitated by multiple ante-mortem (before death) injuries to neck and chest produced by blunt force impact,” Dwivedi said quoting verbatim from the report describing the cause of the 47-year-old’s death.
By evening, the crime branch said they were sending a notice to RML medical superintendent, Dr T S Sidhu, asking him to join investigations by Friday morning. The cops said they will seize all papers related to Tomar’s treatment from the hospital at the earliest.
The police action came after Dr Sidhu reiterated on Wednesday morning that there were “no major external injury marks except for some cuts and bruises. In all our records, there are no severe internal injuries recorded but the postmortem will tell everything.” Asked whether it was a case of cardiac arrest, Sidhu said, “I don’t know. That is not my comment. He came, he was in serious shock and we revived him. He came in a state of total collapse.”
By evening though Dr Sidhu had decided to stop communicating with the media. “I will not like to speak on the issue as the postmortem report is out,” he told TOI.
Also contradicting the police were journalism student Yogendra and his friend Paulene, the two eyewitnesses who were seen in pictures who have rushed Tomar to the hospital, contradicted police version that the Constable was beaten up by protesters leading to his death. He fell down on his own, they said.
Yogendra claimed that he was at India Gate with Paulene who was injured. “I saw one policeman running after protesters and then suddenly collapsing. We rushed towards him and some policemen were also there. Suddenly, policemen started running after other protesters.”
Paulene said she saw Tomar falling down. “We removed his jacket and shoes. I asked whether he can hear me and then I asked him to breathe…He was sweating profusely and there were no injuries on his body. If we had not been there, he would have been dead on the spot,” she said.
Police have slapped murder charges in the case. Earlier, eight persons, including an activist of Arvind Kejriwal-led Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) were arrested on Monday on charges of attempt to murder. Delhi police commissioner Neeraj Kumar had earlier clarified that it was too early to ascertain if any of these eight men were involved with the murder.
Following the claims of the eyewitnesses, AAP demanded sacking of commissioner Kumar alleging that police was misleading people by arresting eight “innocent youth” in connection with the incident. Kejriwal said the youth Yogendra’s account was opposite of what police said. “Is police lying?” he asked. AAP chief Spokesperson Manish Sisodia alleged police was “politicising” Tomar’s death to cover their mistakes and demanded that Kumar be sacked. The finance minister P Chidambaram had already ruled out any such possibility even as the Home Ministry has announced an ex-gratia of Rs 10 lakh to the next of kin of Tomar
Tomar’s family refuted the claims of an eyewitness, saying he died after suffering injuries caused in the chaos. “My father died because of the chaos during the protests at India Gate. Protesters pushed him, they trampled upon him. He had internal injuries. The claims that he did not receive injuries are false,” Tomar’s son, Aditya, said.
related article Musa Hassan: The Janus-Faced Lying Fraudster
PKR Disciplinary Committee Chairman Dr Tan Kee Kwong denounced the “two conspiracies of silence” presently besetting the government which he said were “unsustainable even in a debased democracy such as ours.”
Tan (right), a former BN Deputy Minister who joined PKR three years ago, said Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak’s “deafening silence in the face of grave allegations of criminal conduct and the mute response of Bank Negara’s Governor to the massive flight of capital from the country are fantastic and shocking, even if you allow that our democracy is deeply flawed and permissive.”Don’t put too much faith in our justice system or you’ll be disappointed. The system never quite recovered from the time Mahathir decided they go on the knees and submit to his whims and fancy. Judges have sold themselves to the devil since then. Now it’s all about money. You have money and power, you … Read more
Businessman Deepak Jaikishan has leveled grave allegations of possible criminal conduct against Najib in connection with the Altantuya Shaarribuu murder, while Malaysiakini has reported that RM200 billionleft the country in 2010 in illegal capital flows, a fact that ought to have the Central Bank Chief either quaking or quitting,
said Tan.What does Rosmah, the most single-minded second wife of Najib , keep in that ubiquitous handbag perched permanently by her side? Weighing scales. and Deepak MACC will never re-open this investigation as it involves Najib. He must be protected at all cost. 2 UTK members murder Altanthuya for no apparent reasons?? What is the AG waiting … Read more
“Either separately, more so in combination, a mute response is not a sustainable option in these circumstances,” said Tan who is expected to fielded in the Wangsa Maju constituency in Kuala Lumpur in the coming general election.
Tan is the son of Dr Tan Chee Khoon, a legendary figure in the annals of the Malaysian opposition whose name was a byword for integrity. “Both the PM and the Central Bank Governor have got to respond to these questions that impinge on their credibility and competence,” opined the ex-Deputy Minister of Land and Cooperative Development.
‘Even a farce has a limit’
Tan said the term “Malaysia Boleh” which has become a coinage of ridicule cannot be dragged into use to explain the silence of the PM and the Bank Negara Governor because “even a farce has a limit to what can be laid at its door.”
“In managerial jargon, both the PM and the Central Bank Chief are faced with implied offences that call for the sack. Either they react in a way that is plausible or they quit to honour the integrity of their offices,” he added.
Tan said that when he was a Deputy Minister in the BN government between 1999 and 2004, his wife, after attending some social functions involving the spouses of cabinet ministers, would relate to him of how one would let drop the information that she had just returned from vacation at “her castle in England or a chateau in Germany.”
“My wife wondered aloud to me about the source of the incomes that would have financed these property acquisitions by ministers’ wives,” he recalled
A. Kadir Jasin dogs only listen to his master Dr M still influential They say that dogs only listen to their masters. I guess this is one case their masters told them not to highlight the matter. Mahathir to Najib if all these are true then Mahathir think Najib’s position as the PM of the … Read more
“Now with reports over the past few years of illegal capital flows out of the country reaching the astounding figure of RM200 billion in 2010 alone, we can conjecture where these outflows went to,” he asserted
Take our materialistic culture. Why, despite listening to countless stories of how people go into debt and have more or less inch-deep lives, do many of us continue to spend money we don’t have to buy things we don’t need to impress people we don’t like? Do we truly believe that money and assets will ultimately enrich our lives? Or is it, rather, the OTHER WAY round? Could it be that that our frenzied consumerism feed our confidence that somehow all this mad spending makes sense? Could a hectic and splurge-filled way of living its own justification?
And in politics. For example, why – despite the National Feedlot Center affair involving Datuk Seri Shahrizat Abdul Jalil – do many still treat her like a sacred cow? Isn’t it as clear as cattle urine that millions have been abused for personal again? The issue, however, should never be about what her supporters believe. Instead – just like in many things UMNO – the problem is how dubious actions themselves propel beliefs which in turn justify bad behavior.
The whispers by the anti-Najib faction along the corridors of the recent Umno general assembly were all centred on Rosmah Mansor (Najib Tun Razak’s wife) and Muhyiddin Yassin (Deputy Prime Minister). Whispers also revolved around the fact that Najib hides behind the office of the prime minster, using his powers not to answer the … Read more
When it comes to cronies, it has never been about how, oh, the country needs to rely on strong familiar/political connections without which the system will fail. That’s a lot of cow. In fact, such ideology (that a system needs shady connections to continue) is ITSELF sustained by the rampant inter-family, ‘under-table’ kickbacks. The corruption nourishes the creeds, the sleaze breeds the slogans, bribes prop up beliefs – not the other way round.
The real truth lies elsewhere though. Despite solicitation, recognition and medication, we have not been able to tame this beast. The titanic crack comes from the tip of an iceberg that hides incredible information, yet uncovered. And as science stumbles and fumbles, hypothesis and theories run amok. Presently we are obsessed with proteins called beta … Read more
Speaking of cronyism in Malaysia, this problem highlights how individual behaviour is never entirely about the individual, but is always an expression of how we internalize our place within the community.
: Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak’s disconnect from reality is now so stark he, too, cannot hide it anymore.
After starting out as a reformer by initiating much-trumpeted transformation programs of government, the economy, and of his political party, he has unfurled the white flag of defeat: he’s asked the electorate to give him a mandate to reform UMNO. That’s putting the cart before the horse.
Since UMNO sits at the focal point of the body politic, asking for a national mandate to reform the party he leads is tantamount to admitting that he has tried and has failed to change things at the fulcrum of political society in the country.
It’s an abject admission of failure from a reigning leader in the final prelude to an election that could well end in not only his party’s but also his ejection which is certain even if he wins the polls – unless, of course, he does that with plenty to spare which is unlikely.
Najib’s plea for a mandate from the national electorate in order to reform his own party is proof irrefutable that he has tried and has failed to shift his home base.
Before one can vet his plea one has to listen to it in his own words. In an interview published in the Malay Mail Friday last, he said: “If I want to reform the party, I need a mandate from the people. Without a mandate from the electorate how can I reform the party?”
The Prime Minister has got things precisely the other way round. Instead of demonstrating to the country his capacity for national leadership by steering his party in the path of reform, he wants the country’s voters to give him an endorsement at the coming general election so that he can change his party’s decrepit mores.
The equivalent situation would be if India’s Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh (left), widely regarded as a clean politician at the helm of a corruption-sodden party, requests his country’s electorate to give him another term at the top so that he could then be empowered to tackle endemic corruption in Congress.
Unlike Najib, Manmohan has not described his dilemma in the same way the Malaysian leader has, but he has presided over a situation in a fashion that evokes some lines from the poet W B Yeats – “The best lack all conviction, while the worst are full of passionate intensity.”
Wobbled and stalled
Certainly, Najib has lacked conviction in the face of opposition from within UMNO to his agenda of reform. Whenever he faced opposition to what he said he intended in both the economic and political spheres, he wobbled and stalled rather like his predecessor Abdullah Ahmad Badawi did.
The difference between Najib and Abdullah was that the latter back pedaled after he had received a resounding endorsement at the 2004 polls whereas Najib, after dithering on his reform agenda in the now 44 months of his tenure, is asking for an endorsement from the people at his first test at the polls in order to beat back the reactionary forces (from his own party).
There is a gap in Najib’s logic. What happens if after obtaining that endorsement, reactionary factions in UMNO interpret the mandate as support for the status quo in party and government which means that reform would then not be necessary and that it should be business as usual?
How is Najib going to deflect this interpretation unless of course he contends that the mandate obtained is personal and that it is for the holder to use accordingly?
True, Najib has been personalising his coalition’s campaign to such an extent that the ‘Najib brand’ has begun to transcend the ‘BN brand’. Witness these days the plethora of ‘I love PM’ and ‘I love Najib’ campaign paraphernalia on the BN hustings.
Capitalizing on the ‘new broom sweeps clean’ aspect that the electorate would reasonably be said to afford a newly-installed Prime Minister, Najib has been steadily detaching his selling points from that of the BN’s. But his induction period of now nearly four years is too long a span for a new PM to stay fresh for effective new broom leverage.
Four years is the term of a democratic government’s mandate; it’s too long a probation period to allow a new Prime Minister. Furthermore, Najib has declined to take the move that would have sealed his personalising of the BN campaign – he has weaseled out of the challenge to debate Pakatan Rakyat supremo Anwar Ibrahim .
Najib has taken a presidential tack to his role as BN chairman and Prime Minister of the country. But he declines to take the route to its American lengths by disdaining the one feature – a head-to-head debate – that distinguishes the US brand.
In other words, Najib wants to have his cake and eat it too. That’s allowed in dictatorships, not democracies. Najib’s problem is that he traffics in the jargon of democracy but is a stranger to its real meaning and content.
A coalition’s supremo does not plead with the electorate for a mandate to reform its dominant member; he reforms it first and invites voters to empower him to extend the effort nationwide. The Prime Minister is thoroughly bamboozled.
For the second time in two years, India has witnessed an upsurge of spontaneous public protest. If the earlier one was against the all-pervasive corruption in public life, this time the anger has been directed at the government’s inability to check increasing number of rape cases across the country.
The blood-curdling gang rape of a 23-year-old physiotherapy student on a quasi-public transport bus in New Delhi last week proved to be the tipping point, with students, office-goers and the normally political reticent sections of the middle-class striding out on to the streets of the capital city in disgust over the inefficiency and insensitivity of the federal administration.
While incidents of rape by themselves have always occurred, what is new is the wide coverage of these cases on 24/7 television news channels, bringing the gravity of the crime into the living rooms of the otherwise cocooned middle-classes.
Preceding the Delhi rape have been a series of similar high-profile cases in the neighbouring state of Haryana and in major metros, including Kolkata, Mumbai and Bangalore, which had possibly acerbated the feeling of insecurity and helplessness among large sections of the people.
The underlying desperation in the protests in New Delhi reflects a worrying factor over not just the security of women, but an overall slide into a state of administrative vacuum. For instance, the gang in the bus robbed a traveller some time before the physiotherapist and her male friend boarded it. The traveller who was robbed complained to the police, but they did not bother to act on his complaint. If they had done so, the rape could have been averted.
One should not be surprised if there are no real reasons for the police inaction other than one of disdain, or, in popular lingo a “chalta hai” attitude.
Similar protests across the country
That public endurance is giving way to anger can be seen by similar protests in tandem against other instances of rape in the north-east state of Manipur and in the southern state of Tamil Nadu. In Manipur’s capital Imphal, a journalist was killed when police opened fire during a street protest against the sexual assault on a film actress by a separatist Naga militant. In Tamil Nadu’s capital Chennai, popular film stars led mass protests over the rape of an 11-year-old girl in Nagapattinam district.
One needs to juxtapose the issue of rape and the perception of state inaction with the near-absence of governance and rampant corruption to understand the latest upsurge. Add to this the notoriously slow pace of the judicial process and you have an explosive cocktail.
Not only that, in the New Delhi mass protest, people do not seem to have a clear idea on where to head next or what mass action to take in the absence of a leadership of any kind. No wonder there have been a slew of emotional but extreme demands, ranging from castration to death penalty for rapists.
The New Delhi gang rape may have been the lowest point in recent memory in the context of gender justice in the country, but there have been several instances preceding this. In July this year, a girl was molested by a mob on a busy street in Guwahati, the capital of Assam in India’s north-east. The act was uploaded on social media sites by the perpetrators who made no effort to hide their identities. The state administration had to be goaded into acting against the accused.
Earlier, in February, when a woman in the eastern city of Kolkata was raped and she went to the police to complain, the state government turned against her. The then newly-elected Chief Minister of West Bengal, Mamata Banerjee, termed it a conspiracy to besmirch the reputation of her government. In a number of rapes that followed, the Banerjee government cold-shouldered the complaints alleging that it was a conspiracy by the opposition Left parties.
Indian women are being targeted in other ways too. In several parts of the country, there is an increasing trend among college managements to restrict jeans and T-shirts and force students to wear traditional attire. In 2009, in the southern city of Mangalore, a mob affiliated to the right-wing Hindutva parties attacked women in a pub on the grounds that it was against Indian culture.
In the northern state of Haryana, the traditional khap panchayats (council of village elders) have ruled against women in several instances of marriage, cohabitation and on occasions even attempted to rationalise rapes.
In one case, a state minister said it would be better for women to be married off at 16 (under Indian law, for women 18 is the minimum age for marriage) to make life safer for them. He withdrew his comments after widespread protests.
Intolerance within the establishment
The Indian ruling establishment, meanwhile, cornered and cowering over the widespread criticism it has had to face from civil society, media and activist organisations like Anna Hazare’s Anti-Corruption Front, has not reacted to set right inefficiency that has plagued its governance, but against those who have managed to bring it to public notice.
|“Interestingly, the intolerance within the establishment runs across the country irrespective of which political party is in power.”|
In the first such acts of intolerance, in June 2011, the Delhi police in a midnight swoop broke up a proposed peaceful mass demonstration and hunger strike against corruption at Ramlila Ground in New Delhi. The judiciary later indicted the police for the use of excessive force on a peaceful democratic protest.
A couple of months later, the Delhi police arrested the anti-corruption icon, Anna Hazare, on the eve of his hunger-strike only to find that the move had boomeranged badly. The police and by extension, the government, was lampooned in the media for their bumbling ways.
But the state did not seem to have learnt its lessons. Earlier this year, police in high-profile Mumbai city arrested a cartoonist, Aseem Trivedi, for drawing cartoons mocking the functioning of Indian democracy. Sharp protests forced the government to release the cartoonist and drop all charges against him.
More recently, the police in Thane, a Mumbai suburb, arrested two girls for posting a comment on Facebook, criticising the closure of the city following the death of Bal Thackeray, chief of the local Hindutva-affiliated party Shiv Sena. Again, following an outcry, the girls were released and charges against them dropped.
Interestingly, the intolerance within the establishment runs across the country irrespective of which political party is in power. In July, in Mangalore, where the pub attack had happened earlier, Naveen Soorinje, a journalist for a regional television news channel, filmed a brutal attack by a mob affiliated with the rightist Hindutva parties on a group of unsuspecting girls and boys celebrating a western-style birthday.
The police did not stop at arresting the accused. They promptly prosecuted the journalist too alleging that he instigated the attackers. At the moment, the journalist is in jail and his appeal is pending before a local court.
Interestingly, irrespective of the politics and the ideology of political parties, the government at the centre and the ruling dispensation in several states are finding themselves on the defensive. And, without exception, they are using the police to put down dissent with totalitarian force.
In the latest instance, the violent reprisal by the police on a large spontaneous peaceful protest of well-meaning students of the capital’s prestigious universities and colleges is a confirmation of the perception that “something is rotten in the state of Delhi”, to quote one tweet among many that have peppered the social media landscape.
This blog post is being written at a time when a probe is already on into the excesses committed by the Delhi police in dealing with the protesters who were demonstrating against the ordeal faced by the 23-year old gang rape victim – a heinous crime that sparked nationwide protests. Intense protests happened in or around Delhi’s Raisina Hill, India Gate and Vijay Chowk and when the protests turned violent, we all know what the police did. For a closer look at what the police did, readers can turn to two very relevant eyewitness accounts – one by TOI blogger Amaresh Mishra (see here) and another by Sangeeta Das, a protester herself who also cites a few other witnesses (see here).
While the police excesses have been defended by the Home Minister and after having drawn flak from the Delhi Chief Minister and Opposition leaders, UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi is believed to have criticised the Delhi police for having handled the protestors the way it did. Meanwhile, while the death of Tomar was reported and the protests had somewhat died down, here was a young student, Shambhavi, live Tweeting her ordeal on Christmas day, much after these events had transpired. Shambhavi and her friends say they were on silent vigil at Jantar Mantar when they were whisked away by the police to the Parliament Street police station. Frantic and scared, she could do nothing but live Tweet at every step the ordeal that she was going through. Mind you, this was on Christmas Day and much after the heat of the protests had died down.
What one gathers from Shambhavi’s Tweets is that she and her friends were whisked off by the police, they were threatened and hit and had to wait silently before being rescued by family and friends. Her Twitter handle is@shamwoo. Here are some of her Tweets:
25 Dec @Shamwoo Woman constable beat me up, pulled my hair and slammed me into a wall #ParliamentStreet Police Station
25 Dec @Shamwoo Illegally being held here at Parliament St Police Station Delhi w/ 15 other women. Terrified, pls RT
25 Dec @Shamwoo All of us women were just brutally attacked by police at Parliament Street PS, PLS RT
26 Dec @Shamwoo After being manhandled by the cops yesterday I was too shaken up to tweet + I was scared the cops would follow us and catch us again.
Fear has caught up with most of us in such a way that many refused to believe her plight, and few came forward to help her. The following morning, both TOI (see here) and The Telegraph (see here) carried reports of teens being detained. What a sad state of affairs, if we keep doing this to our students, who are the future of our country. The harried mother of the brave young girl has written to the Delhi Chief Minister, urging her to look into the matter (see her blog here). She signs off her letter as “a terrified mother”. Need we say more?