P Gunasegaram’s Vishwaroopam Who will win GE-13? SAME SHIT DIFFERENT DAY
This Documentary is to those who claim that, “Indians has moved on, there is nothing called untouchability or cast-ism in Malaysia today”. This is to show them the picture they failed to see till now, to remove the curtain of their eyes. Those who claim that their should not be special rights for those belonging to backward castes..and they should be for poors..”This is how the ‘Higher Castes’ treat a Schedule Caste/Scheduled Tribe no matter what his financial state is”. You talk about equality and a fight with equal stature..where is that equal stature now? If those rights are not fair, which are meant for them to lift them up from their low status, to give them a right to stand at ‘equal’ within a society, then is it fair that those so called “Savarnas..Higher Caste” are pushing them back in a deeper pit of backwardness, of social negligence, underdeveloped, poverty, and a state from where no one even gives a damn what will happen to that particular group of society…Is that Fair? Is it human?
All the facts presented in this video are true and were part of a research project.
And if u r pissed after watching this video, (Which are chances that you will be)..then don’t show your cheapness and low mental state here..tell to ur dad, mom, brothers and specially sisters.
It is the truth about the Indians in Malaysia believes in humanity, to bring every human being at an equal social and economical status. There is no discrimination against anyone bases upon their particular state. (And by the way..there is no magic wand to change a society..neither overnight laws change it..Society is what people are, what people think, and trust me, a good amount are measures were already taken to ensure that transformation in society).
Enjoy watching the truth!
Indian democracy is in danger of subversion by a self-confident,aggressive, articulate, patriotic and well-meaning force, the oligarchy of the successful. It might be a mild exaggeration to suggest that its principal characteristics are aftershave and English.
Many of them possibly disdain aftershave or perfume, and would not be crass enough to be preceded by five yards of Axe effect, to name the most advertised aftershave of the moment. But they are loyal to the English language, the proven mantra to worldly success. This new class of thirty-somethings (terribly reluctant to turn 40) is a product of consistent high growth since economic liberalization began in 1991. They bring with them a fresh mindset, a happy sense of purpose, a professional approach to governance and a welcome lack of social baggage.
So why should they be considered a potential hidden danger? Their assets dominate contemporary business, media and politics; their liabilities are buried in a general reluctance to see beyond their celebrity status. Politicians have always been celebrated, and rightly so; if you are in public life, you will be under public scrutiny. But they have not been celebrities. The difference is being squeezed by a squeal culture that is another dominant trait of a substantial and growing elite.
Danger lies in the fact that this creamy layer of 20% at the top has no interest in involving the froth of 80% in decision-making. It recognizes the problem of poverty, of course, and is even concerned enough to address it at policy level. It would much prefer an India in which beggars do not stare through the window panes of its cars; unfortunately, beggars can’t be screened out by black film for reasons to do with public security. But it treats the poor as both the cause and the consequence of poverty, and therefore unworthy of more than a token presence on the table. In a sense this is the old caste system in a modern manifestation; it is a karmic view of government, propagated by the New Brahmins, wearing a tie in front instead of a tiki at the back.
Best comedy by Joker P Gunasegaram’s Vishwaroopam
Ultimately, you are to blame. And pinning the blame on Dr Mahathir is your way of shifting the blame so that you need not kick yourself. And, soon, the next general election will be upon us. In two months time we shall know who is going to run the country for the next five years or so. And, yet again, Barisan Nasional is going to win the election. And, yet again, you are going to look for someone to blame. And this is just going to prove one thing that I have been saying for a long time — and that is Malaysians are a bunch of losers.byRaja Petra Kamarudin
BARISAN has left our hearts empty and minds in turmoil LISTEN, LISTEN don’t Challenge…..is that all you can offer?
This is the result of brain washing! Cannot question, cannot ask ? Cannot criticize ?stupid !so you do no wrong .everyone is wrong except the gov,time to kick out these illegally elected MP. In fact the bn MPS are illegally elected by fraud. Tim to clean up MACC thing that intrigued me excel at many things. We excel in jugaad, which we’ve turned into an international buzz word. We excel at having our Why are MALAYSIAN so literally backwards when it comes to doing things on time? Is unpunctuality in our genes? Is it in our BARISAN culture? Someone has calculated that if the time-overruns on all the central and state government projects – roads, power plants, irrigation schemes, you name it – were added up the total would be over 500 years. Which means that Malaysia is running 500 years behind schedule and in the 21st century we’re still in the regime of Emperor Mahainfidal. Abdul Rahim Bakri member of the Parliament of Malaysia for the Kudat constituency in Sabah. You are an illegal parliamentarian voted in by illegals. Please SHUT you mulut and stand aside quietly Abdul Rahim, you can continue to bluff these poor folks. Ask yourself why are they still so poor? The recent Sabah RCI, Deepak’ revelations, NFC scandal, RM40 million Musa-gate, Taib’s family’s billions and land grabs etc – these are all the corrupt doings of the govt that has been going for the past 3 decades. Dont blame the foreigners. We are all witnessing these things happening before our very eyes. We just had Tulukachi Sharifah Listen now, we have Abdul Rahim Pak Listen. Listen! Listen Listen! and dont talk back. You dont have a right to evaluate Umno/BN performance and talk back to us. Your role is to listen to us just like frogs, dogs, cows etc.
playing Santa Claus you can lie your way int the next election? You think we are stupid??? Listen, listen, listen….Some people can be fooled some of the time, all the people can be fooled some of the time, but you cannot fool all the people all of the time!
Why should any fair and just government be afraid of a little criticism? The government that does must really fear the ugly truth about itself. Please do not insult the intelligence of the voters. If you run a clean, effective and highly efficient government, then the harmony and sweetness of that government and the economy will outweigh anything written or recorded in the media (mainstream or alternative). We will solidly behind you. Let us access all the information and do our national duty as ‘informed’ voters to judge the current government in the ballot
religious/social/ideological/cultural/nationalistic/choose any other unspecified sentiment hurt by real or imagined slights which prompt us to beat up/throw in jail/generally kick the ass of those we hold responsible for such actual or perceived transgressions.are excellent in many ways and in many things. But we are not excellent when it comes to being on time.
We are never on time, for anything. Our trains aren’t on time. Our planes aren’t on time. Ourbusines appointments and social engagements aren’t on time. You invite some friends to your house for dinner, and ask them to come at 8 o’clock. Can we make that 8-ish? your friends reply. The ‘ish’ is the timely version of a rubber band: it can be stretched and stretched to accommodate the wishes of the one doing the stretching.
Numbers, they say, never lie although statistics can be made to. Wherethey are most useful, however, is when they can be analysed to give a scale of the magnitude of the task ahead for someone who wants to achieve something.
The Opposition Pakatan Rakyat coalition, comprising of Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), PAS, DAP and allies in Sabah and Sarawak, has made plain its target of taking over the government in the next 13th general election, and is publicly confident of doing so.
Can it? The figures clearly show that it is a much easier task for Barisan Nasional to keep its power than it is for Pakatan to wrest it away. Before I get pilloried as a doomsayer for Opposition chances, do hear me out. As I said, numbers don’t lie.
Let’s focus on Parliamentary elections which decide federal power. The March 2008 elections, GE12, saw a huge swing of votes to the opposition. Popular vote for Barisan Nasional (BN) dropped to a mere 50.3 percent from its previous 64 percent. The BN lost 58 seats to the opposition, effectively Pakatan. The Opposition gained 61 seats to take 82 seats. The difference between seats gained and lost is because of the three additional seats in 2008.
In Peninsular Malaysia where all of the swing occurred, the Opposition had 51 percent of the popular vote. But because their strength was in the urban areas which had much higher population densities, it translated into a smaller proportionate number of 80 seats for the Opposition, and 84 seats for BN in the Peninsula.
What saved the day for BN was the very solid showing in Sabah and Sarawak where it lost just one seat in each of the two states to garner 25 seats in Sabah, and 31 seats in Sarawak. That gave them 56 seats from East Malaysia and thus, the right to rule.
Without the strong showing in Sabah and Sarawak, BN would have been really on the ropes, and much closer to losing the elections. In the event, BN garnered 140 seats in Parliament, comfortably exceeding Pakatan’s 82 seats, with only eight seats short of a two-thirds majority.
But it is a testament to the strong showing by BN in all the previous elections (barring the ill-fated 1969 elections) that this comfortable victory was still the worst showing by BN in any polls to date, forcing the resignation of BN head Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, and the subsequent ascent of Najib Abdul Razak to his position as BN chief and Prime Minister.
What would it take for Pakatan to win GE13 at the Federal level? BN has 58 more parliament seats. It would need at the least a swing of 30 votes for a narrow two-seat majority in the house. For that, you need to see another swing as big as the one we saw in 2008 towards the Opposition.
The question is, where is Pakatan going to get the 30 seats? Most of the seats which are of a Chinese majority or which have significant Chinese populations, are already in the bag. Chinese votes can’t swing much more than it already has, and so is not likely to be decisive in terms of getting more seats, although it will help in the retention of many.
Key ‘Malay, Sabah and Sarawak’ votes
The key this time is whether there will be a continuous swing in Malay votes to PAS and PKR the way it was in 2008, and whether major swings will be seen in Sabah and Sarawak of the scale that was seen in 2008 in the Peninsula.
Realistically, one should expect that the swing to Pakatan, in terms of seats won, will moderate overall in Peninsular Malaysia, and that there will be some reversals even if the popular vote overall increases in favour of the Opposition.
That would mean that without a significant shift in Sabah and Sarawak, and a gain of atleast 15 seats there to 17 overall from East Malaysian states, there is likely to be little chance of upsetting the BN hold in terms of Parliamentary seats. Even with such a swing there, Pakatan still needs to get an additional 15 seats in the Peninsular, which is not an easy task.
Yes, Pakatan will make more inroads. But will they win? Tough, but not impossible. After all, no one predicted the swing to Pakatan in 2008. What’s there to say that it could not happen again? A lot could depend on the events leading up to the elections.
Opposition pundits point to investigations by the Royal Commission of Inquiry into the illegal immigration and registration of voters there which may find traction among Sabahans in favour of the Opposition.
Those who think BN will win say Najib has tried hard to regain both the middle ground and Malay votes, and may succeed at least partially.
One thing’s for sure, its going to be closer than ever before. If you want to make your vote count – and your vote will count more than at anytime, since voting had begun in this country in 1955 – make sure you go out there and vote on polling day, even if you have to return from Singapore or Kalimantan.
That way, whatever the result and whichever party you supported, you would have done your part towards free and fair elections in this country, the results of which would reflect majority aspirations.
Former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad finallyadmitted – in the face of overwhelming evidence – that he granted citizenship to the illegal immigrants who have flooded Sabah, but quickly added that the citizenship was granted legally.
He said: “Many of them in Sabah were not there for a day or two, but 20 or 30 years and can speak Malay. They have the right to be citizens”.
Is that all there is to the infamous ‘Project M’ (M stands for Mahathir) that has broughtuntold miseries to Sabahans – the mere granting of citizenship to qualified immigrants in the normal legal way? To get to the truth, let us hear some top officials of the Sabah National Registration Department (NRD) who gave evidence to the Royal Commission of Inquiry (RCI) looking into the population explosion of Sabah.
Sabah NRD Assistant Registrar Kee Dzulkifly Kee Abd Jalil said the special unit he was working in, illegally issued some 100,000 blue identity cards (ICs) to the immigrants (blue cards are meant for citizens only), in addition to issuing 200,000 letters of approval for birth certificates for the children of immigrants.
With these approval letters, they would get their birth certificates from the hospitals or district offices. These immigrants, who are all Muslims, are mainly from the Southern Philippines and Indonesia.
Kee Dzulkifly, together with some of his fellow officers who also gave evidence collaborating Kee Dzulkifly’s evidence, was subsequently detained under the Internal Security Act (ISA) for two years from 1995 to 1997, for engaging in these illegal activities.
Tamparuli NRD chief Yakup Damsah said that upon instruction from then-Sabah NRD chief Abdul Rauf Sani, he and his colleagues were flown from Sabah to Kuala Lumpur, where they operated a clandestine operation in the house of Mahathir’s then-political secretary, Abdul Aziz Shamsuddin at Kampung Pandan to illegally issue blue ICs to immigrants.
Yakup said the purpose of the operation was to boost Muslims voters and to ensure they vote for UMNO in the Sabah state election. His group issued 40,000 blue ICs within a month. Yakup was subsequently detained under the ISA for his illegal act.
Sabah NRD Chief Ramli Kamaruddin, who succeeded Abdul Rauf, said that two weeks before the 1994 Sabah state election, he met then-deputy home minister Megat Junid Megat Ayub (the then-home minister was Mahathir) at Hyatt Hotel in Kota Kinabalu, where he was instructed to issue temporary IC receipts to immigrants.
These receipts, in the names of voters who never voted, would enable the immigrants to vote on polling day, so as to ensure a Barisan Nasional (BN) victory. Also present at the hotel was Osu Sukam, who later became Sabah chief minister in 1999. Ramli Kamaruddin was also detained under ISA for two years from 1995.
Sabah NRD Deputy Director Mohd Nasir Sugip testified that the department carried out the clandestine ‘Ops Durian Burok’ from 1992 to 1995 under instruction from the state Election Commission (EC) to provide unqualified immigrants with blue ICs so that they could vote in an election.
With the new ICs issued in accordance with the details provided by the EC, these Philipino and Indonesian Muslims were then planted as voters in strategic constituencies (classified as ‘black’ or ‘grey’ for BN) across Sabah to help BN win in elections. At one time, Sabah EC director Wan Ahmad Wan Yusof handed over a list of 16,000 names and asked for these to be converted into ‘Bumiputra Islam’ voters. Mohd Nasir was later detained under the ISA.
Blackout by mainstream media
All these evidence were presented to the RCI on January 16, the third day of the hearings; whereas Mahathir claimed his innocence on the next day, January 17. Does it not boggle the mind that in the face of such incontrovertible evidence of this massive illegal operation, Mahathir would still deny its existence?
What gave him the courage to do so, if not for the fact that the RCI’s proceedings have virtually been blacked out by the mainstream media, while his statement of defence would be given prominence?
Despite such connivance from the mainstream media and Mahathir’s brazen denials, there is no way that such a staggering breach of law can be buried in this Internet age of ubiquitous information.
Equally impossible to deny is Mahathir’s link to these acts of treason. The two key political leaders featured in the evidence – Aziz Shamsuddin and Megat Junid – were Mahathir’s closest confidantes, who were also well-known for their roles as henchmen to execute some of his more unsavoury schemes.
At their level of political influence and status, these two henchmen would have neither the courage nor the reason to embark on such a bold venture of high treason that could easily have led their journey to the gallows, without the protection of the highest political leadership.
It is as clear as daylight that these two political minions were only carrying out the wishes of their political boss.
Mahathir irretrievable linked
Project M is unparalleled in modern history in that it is a clandestine operation that has succeeded in robbing the sovereign rights of a people by massive infusion of illegal immigrants and pervasive contamination of the electoral roll with illegal voters (known as the phantom voters).
The success of Project M has ensured UMNO’s hegemony in Sabah for almost two decades. And the original Sabahans will continue to be subjected to such rule unless the illegal immigrants and phantom voters menace is resolved.
What is even more alarming is that the phantom voter cancer continues to grow right up to this day, not only in Sabah, but there is ample evidence that its malignancy has been spreading in peninsula Malaysia, as exemplified by the thousands of dubious registered voters that surface continually, particularly in the state of Selangor.
The latest evidence was uncovered by a survey carried out by the Selangor government. In a house-to-house check on the half a million newly registered voters, 135,000 of them could not be traced, for which the EC has not given any valid answer. In fact, our greatest problem is our EC, which has unabashedly acted as a political arm of UMNO.
Take the case of the explosive expose’ uncovered by the Sabah RCI. In any democracy, the election commission would have immediately swung into emergency action, and in conjunction with other agencies such as the NRD, police and Attorney-General’s Chambers, would seek out the criminals and rectify the huge damage to restore integrity and public confidence to the electoral system.
But not our EC. The latter has chosen not to react on the lame excuse that any comment would be ‘sub judice’ and any action would also be premature, as the RCI has not completed its findings.
Bonanza for Opposition?
The same deaf and dumb tactic has also been adopted by Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak and the component parties of Barisan Nasional. The EC and BN’s strategy seems to be – do nothing until the next election which will be held in probably two months’ time. (Parliament stands dissolved on April 28, and polling within 60 days thereafter.)
And Opposition alliance Pakatan Rakyat and civil society will have to decide whether to stage another mass rally, both to force some urgent and basic electoral reforms including cleansing of the electoral roll, as well as to gain political capital by swinging the middle ground further towards them.
Whatever the decision on the mass rally, the opposition will certainly leave no stone unturned to publicise the moral and political bankruptcy of the incumbent political power in resorting to means most foul at the peril of destroying our democracy so as to cling on to power.
Thus, the Sabah RCI is turning out to be a last-minute gift to the Opposition after all, whatever its findings.
There will be a thousand points of view on the Justice Verma panel’s recommendations to strengthen our laws against sexual assault of women. Not surprising considering there were thousands of suggestions given by thousands of people to the panel. In my view, the panel has done a good job overall, though on a few issues, it could have gone further….
The best thing is that the panel has managed to keep its wits about itself. It hasn’t pandered to the reckless demands of a newly awakened youth brigade and an opportunistic political class demanding death for all rape cases. Why should a rape elicit a death sentence at all? The death sentence is reserved for the most heinous of crimes. While rape is a very very ghastly crime, by asking for the death sentence, we are basically equating it with murder. A raped woman has not been murdered. A raped woman feels pathetic that her body has been invaded, but she doesn’t (or at least shouldn’t) think that her life is over. In this context, the article written by Sohaila Abdulali, author of the novel “Year of the Tiger” in The New York Times is worth reading “http://www.nytimes.com/2013/01/08/opinion/after-being-raped-i-was-wounded-my-honor-wasnt.html?_r=1&”. As she rightly points out, a rape is a personal horror, not even a societal one. And there is no loss of honor or virtue for the family when a woman is raped. She writes “It is horrible because you are violated, you are scared, someone else takes control of your body and hurts you in the most intimate way. It is not horrible because you lose your “virtue.” It is not horrible because your father and your brother are dishonored.” People who demand the death penalty for rape are actually supporting such orthodox views. In doing so, they are actually harming the women’s cause.
Of course when there is a death involved post rape, the perpetrator should be considered for the death sentence (as per the homicide law). The crime then becomes a murder and whatever that entails should be given (Personally, I am against all forms of capital punishment, except in terrorism cases). But in other cases, Justice Verma has suggested correctly that the punishment terms should be made more strict. It has also smartly differentiated between one rape and repeated rapes, recommending that in case of serial rapes, the person may even be given the maximum sentence of life. This is a mature recommendation, again spurning the demands of the angry, but ill-informed, protesters who thronged Delhi’s streets that all rapes be treated alike. Even Ram Jethmalani had said the same thing on TV, but he was booed out by the anchor. Fortunately, Justice Verma has brought the requisite sanity.
Likewise in saying that our laws are quite alright, but the implementation is the problem, Justice Verma has said the right thing. We can have any number of laws, but if our investigative bodies are so ill equipped, and so poorly recruited (basis caste reservations and all), then nothing will change.
Where the panel could have done better is in changing the definition of a juvenile. By merely suggesting that the juvenile justice system be “strengthened”, it has missed an opportunity to take cognizance of a natural biological change that is taking place. Children are becoming mature faster; puberty occurs earlier today than ever before. Today’s 16-year old is physically as strong as an 18-year old, and at least for select crimes like rapes, he should be treated on par with adults. Justice Verma has instead backed the softer view that a 16-year old is not mentally developed enough and if he’s punished as an adult, he may not be able to learn from his mistakes. My point is that the 18 year old limit was set in a different era; it certainly needs to be revisited today.
The other subject on which the panel has lost an opportunity for reform is in not making rape gender neutral. Here I think the panel has kept an eye on the current mood of the public, and probably felt that making the crime gender neutral may go against it’s wishes. Because if it had been bolder, and fairer, it would have realized that rape of men is becoming increasingly common. It’s a new trend, and like all new trends, it has started first in the liberally outlying segments of our societal firmament – the world of films, theatre, modeling and the like. It is rumored that in Bollywood, the “casting” couch is now used more for men than women; “sleeping your way up” likewise. What is true in this small segment is bound to spread to others. The law that we make now should be good for the next 25-50 years; and there is no denying that when we demand gender equality in all other spheres, we should here too. A rape of any kind – and on anyone, male or female – is a terrible crime and should be treated equally.
Also Justice Verma should have favored chemical castration. It is not a “mutilation of the body”, nor is it a violation of the human rights, as he has said. Chemical castration is an effective medicinal tool to control the libido of a rapist, without even touching his body physically. It’s something that is practiced in several countries as well.
One last point. There was really no need for Justice Verma to attack the Home Secretary for praising the Delhi Police for the good work in arresting the five accused. It’s a fact that the police was prompt in this. We should learn to de-link issues. Justice Verma was right in blaming the cops for being insensitive; and attacking innocent protesters. But that does not mean that they didn’t do a good job in the arrests. As their formal boss, the Home Secretary praised the cops to improve their morale. They were being battered by everyone. It was almost as if they had done the rape themselves. Whatever we do, we cannot hold the cops responsible for what is basically a societal issue.
The real truth is that law making should always be done with a cool mind. Never in the heat of the moment. It was a good decision of the government to resist announcing new laws there and then at India Gate, even though the public would have liked that. For his part, Justice Verma has done a good job, as always….