The new voices of the voters, Anwar dynamism and the Lim kit Siang’s chemistry Barisan-UMNO a Sense of an Ending
“Certainly we voters are meat, we are potential carcasses. If I go into a Barisanbutcher’s shop I always think it’s surprising that I wasn’t there instead of the animal.”
This is all rubbish by Najib and gang just to win election by any means, even they will be ready to create disharmony among its people
“These are fantastic journalist who offer Malaysian a window to the world, bringing in a broader perspective, ” says Mahathir, who is himself a distinguished Blogger. Mahathir group in UMNO is the dirtiest party on Earth.The moment Atantuya ghost is out against UMNO, Mahathir group in UMNO are behind this damn sex video must be mentally sick or retarded in mind. If these sick baboons are doing in the name of Dumno, and with the amount of money and state’s apparatus UMNO is holding, my advice is to get the latest state of art on pix resolution. And if you are damn certain on the place and time of DSAI’s misadventure, get the entire UMNO’s Muftis to ambush DSAI in actual action. Even the so-called well planned Sodomy I and II could get a single picture of DSAI in the dastardly alleged action. Use a little bit of the gifted brain lah, stupid-dumb-idiot they are so clever in tracking anwar and producing a porn video,how come they cant get JAWI or the polis to raid the room and catch him with his pants down?It has been 15 long years and with the full might of the state apparatus with them , MUNMO cant really come out with anything authentic and beleivable.All they can come up with are Fabricated Made in Thailand black and white blurr rubbish videosM=UMNO and Najis think they can fool the rakyat and take away some votes from anwar.Najis the rakyat have lost all Nambikei in you. UMNO’s antics are getting to be more infantile by the day. boringggggg…
DAP supremo Lim Kit Siang said he may contest under PAS’ banner in the upcoming general election should the Registrar of Societies (ROS) de-register his own party for its polls blunder in December last year.
In response to a question from a reporter after visiting Taman University market in Gelang Patah yesterday morning, I stressed that there is absolutely no legal, constitutional or any legitimate ground for any punitive action by the Registrar of Societies against the DAP, whether suspension or deregistration.
The DAP Central Executive Committee (CEC) elections last December had been above-board and a transparent and democratic process although there was an honest mistake from a computer glitch when announcing the results.
The DAP CEC has no doubt that there can be no justification whatsoever for the Registrar of Societies to take any action against the DAP for the party elections, especially as the DAP leadership had not received any complaint from party delegates on the CEC elections while the DAP had fully co-operated with the Registrar of Societies with regard to queries and requests for clarification.
This is why I am baffled how the Utusan Malaysia today could carry a front-page headline report that the ROS were facing “difficulties in its probe” on the DAP CEC elections last December.
The Utusan Malaysia front-page headline story has proven right my suspicion of “high-level conspiracy afoot in BN ‘dirty tricks’ department to suspend or ban DAP so that the Rocket symbol could not be used in the 13GE”.
The Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak and the BN leaders have no confidence about their prospects in the 13GE and they are toying with various unprecedented “dirty tricks” for UMNO/BN to try to steal the 13GE.
Pakatan Rakyat chief campaigner Anwar Ibrahim said that good leadership would smother threats posed by ‘Little Napoleons’ in the civil service who may not like the egalitarian thrust of the Opposition coalition’s manifesto.
The PKR adviser was speaking yesterday at a dialogue session organised by his party’s Johor Baru division for representatives and activists from Indian-led NGOs in the state.
Some 200 people attended the session which was held in the early evening after which the Pakatan supremo hurried off to Skudai to speak at a huge rally to mark fellow coalition member DAP’s 47th anniversary celebrations.
At the dialogue session, Anwar sought to placate Indian fears of continued marginalisation, a situation participants at the dialogue session felt would persist because ‘Little Napoleons’ in a Malay-dominated bureaucracy could baulk alleviative measures mandated by a Pakatan federal government.
Anwar was asked to respond to the observation that in Malaysia “a Malay problem is a national problem, a Chinese problem is a racial problem, and an Indian problem is no problem.”
Anwar said that it would be “a question of leadership” when and if the implementation of Pakatan policies is resisted by ‘Little Napoleons’ in the civil service.
“When I was Finance Minister, I was asked why a non-Malay (Clifford Herbert) was appointed as the ministry’s Secretary-General,” cited Anwar, as an example of what he meant when he said good leadership focused on national priorities can overcome sectarian considerations.
Anwar, who was Finance Minister for eight years (1990-98), fended off pressure from Malay higher-ups in the civil service unhappy at Herbert’s appointment by citing the man’s “good macroeconomic view” and “sound grasp of fundamentals” of the Malaysian economy as the appointee’s merits.
“I’m sure people in the civil service will respond to good leadership that is focused on national priorities,” said Anwar.
Once again Pakatan’s putative PM-designate reiterated what he has said several times in the recent past – that within 100 days of the coalition’s federal empowerment, the problem of stateless residents would be resolved.
Indians constitute a disproportionately large percentage of stateless residents, conjectured to be 350,000 out of a probable half million, others being Chinese, and Dayaks and Kadazan in remote parts of Sarawak and Sabah.
“I’m not proposing to grant citizenship to someone who only came here from Chennai yesterday,” quipped Anwar.
“I am proposing to give it to people I know such as a case in Batang Kali who was born in 1943 and till today has not got an identity card. These are fundamental guarantees in the constitution and after half a century if cases like these persist, it is a crying shame,” said the PKR adviser to resounding applause.
Anwar said no leader should without censure question the fundamental right to citizenship of Malaysians qualified for the privilege.
This was said in apparent deprecation of attempts to question the fitness for Malaysian citizenship of such government critics as Ambiga Sreenevasan (left), co-chair of electoral reform advocacy group Bersih.
On the question of entry qualifications to universities, Anwar said these would be based on merit to promote and sustain “quality education.”
“We will give intensive additional courses to students who are poor and have fallen short of the qualifying mark so that they can then qualify,” he said.
“To sustain quality tertiary education, we must insist on merit-based entry qualifications,” he stressed.
“This is like our policy towards the different language streams in primary education. We will aid all such schools but we will insist that in every language stream, be it Mandarin, Tamil or Arabic, pupils must be proficient in Malay and at the secondary level, there must acquire proficiency in English,” he said.
The dialogue session lasted an hour and a half at the end of which Anwar was given a resounding ovation and was mobbed as he made his way to the lifts in the hotel where it was held.
The latest issue of the Economist on the 13GE carried a report “Malaysia’s looming election – Video nasties” which said: “In fact, the outcome is in doubt, for the first time in Malaysia’s history”. (The Star spun the Economist report with the headline: “Barisan tipped for elections victory”.
by William Leong, MP for Selayang
As political parties gear for the final stretch to the 13thGeneral Elections, Malaysians must not forget, our country is not a democracy. It is an electoral authoritarian regime.
An Electoral Authoritarian Regime
An electoral authoritarian regime is one that uses “a democratic façade” to cover authoritarian rule. The pretense of holding elections is “the lipstick on the crocodile”. The most common form of autocracy today is hidden behind elections. “The dream (of these regimes) is to reap the fruits of electoral legitimacy without running the risk of democratic uncertainty”
A democracy is defined to include at least the following 5 attributes: (1) regular elections that are competitive, free and fair; (2) full adult suffrage; (3) broad protection of civil liberties including freedom of speech, press and association; (4) absence of non-elected “tutelary” authorities such as military or religious bodies that limit elected officials from having effective power to govern; and (5) the existence of a reasonably level playing field.
An electoral authoritarian regime does not have such attributes. Elections in an electoral authoritarian regime are competitive and real but they are not free and fair. The incumbent uses government resources and power to undermine legitimate procedures by illegitimate practices such as electoral fraud, vote rigging, disenfranchisement, media bias, repression or legal controls to make it difficult if not impossible for opposition parties to sustain public campaigns and to exclude opposition leaders from contesting through technical and legal disqualifications, bans, imprisonment or exile.
Malaysia is an electoral authoritarian regime in the same class of Kenya during the rule of Daniel Arap Moi and his Kenyan African National Union (“KANU”)who perfected the use of patronage, large scale ethnic violence to divide Opposition parties, disenfranchise voters and ultimately tilted the playing field in his favour.
Others in the class include Mexico under President Miguel de la Madrid of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (“PRI”), Zimbabwe under President Robert Mugabe and his Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (“ZANU-PF”).
We need only look at the past 2 weeks to confirm the authoritarian nature of the Malaysian regime. Malaysia will be heading for the polls without a clean electoral roll.
On 4 March 2013, Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim in his closing speech at the International Conference On Malaysia 13th General Elections reminded Malaysians that fundamental reforms for a free and fair elections have not been implemented.
Anwar Ibrahim said:
“The paramount importance of Bersih is undisputed. Bersih, as we all know, has made tremendous contributions to the cause of electoral reform…Theprotests and demonstrations to demand for free and fair elections clearly signify the dissatisfaction with the state of things…
Our election commission is supposed to be the electoral watchdog but among other things, its epic failure is that both the commission’s chair and deputy chair were card carrying members of the ruling UMNO party prior to their appointment. So merely calling it an electoral commission does not guarantee its independence and impartiality…
The existence of hundreds and thousands of fictitious names as well as names of dead people plus widespread duplication of names in the electoral rolls point to blatant fraud in voter registration… The problem is becoming rampant as evidenced by the daily exposes on this. The RCI in Sabah on the notorious Project IC underscores the reality of the fear.”
He said“this is normal” for 28% of new voters to be untraceable! Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim, Selangor Menteri Besar, on March 3, 2013 voiced his concerns that 134,675 out of 500,000 new voters in Selangor cannot be identified or traced.
All hopes for a free and fair election were dashed on 14th March 2013, when the High Court dismissed Klang MP, Charles Santiago’s application for judicial review.Charles produced sufficient evidence to show the existence of phantom voters in his constituency’s electoral rolls. However, the judge declined to strike down section 9A of the Elections Act 1948 as being unconstitutional.
The Judge instead held he was bound by the provision that the Court cannot review, set aside or quash the electoral rolls after they are published in the gazette. Section 9A was enacted after the Sabah High Court declared the Likas by-elections null and void due to the existence of phantom voters. The government instead of cleaning the electoral rolls, introduced section 9A to prevent the Court from reviewing the electoral rolls.
The Court’s lack of robustness in dealing with section 9A has in the words of Charles Santiago “legalized phantom voters”.
Opposition Lack of Media Access
The lack of media access is a hallmark of an electoral authoritarian regime. There is no possibility of fair elections when opposition parties lack access to mediato reach out to the electorate. Scholars noted in electoral authoritarian regimes, media are owned or are under the control of the incumbent. They are not only biased in favour of the incumbent, but also form part of the incumbent’s propaganda machine. The scholars cite the media in Malaysia as examples of this.
The media has gone into overdrive since the Lahad Datu incursion. The focus is not on the security situation but in spinning that Anwar Ibrahim is the mastermind behind the incursion. Anwar had in October 2012 long before the incursion sang a song. One line of the song is:
“Tanya sama Najib, mengapa kau goyang. Nanti jawab Najib, Sabah dah hilang”. A complete viewing of the video shows Anwar was referring to the swing in Sabahans’ support from BN to Pakatan Rakyat and that Najib is worried BN will lose Sabah in the coming polls. TV3 featured this one line together with news of the incursion thereby falsely accusing Anwar to be behind the Lahad Datu incursion. This is propaganda in its worst form. The 13th GE campaign will see the media engaged in the worse gutter politics ever.
In many electoral authoritarian regimes, the courts, electoral authorities and other nominally independent arbiters of the rules of the game are not only controlled by the incumbents but are also employed as partisan tools against the Opposition. An example is the Fujimori government’s control of the Peruvian judicial and electoral authorities to carry out bribery, illegal surveillance, stripping of media owner Baruch Ivcher’s citizenship, massive forgery of signatures and passage of constitutionally dubious legislation permitting Fujimori to win a third term in 2000.
Another example of “legal repression” is Vladimir Putin’s use of the courts to destroy Mikhail khodorkovsky, the owner of the enormously powerful Yukos Oil Company by jailing him for tax charges and seizing his company, property and stock after Khodovsky began financing opposition parties.
In charging Tian Chua on March 14, 2013 under the Sedition Act 1948 for his alleged comments on Lahad Datu, the selective and partisan use of the prosecutor’s powers is clear for all to see. Those on the other side of the political divide, who incited racial and religious strife, promoted feelings of ill-will and hostility between the different races and religions have been left untouched. They remain scot free to spew hatred and contempt with impunity.
Anwar Ibrahim remains the most wanted and persecuted Opposition leader in the history of Malaysia. He has been detained without trial and imprisoned, castigated as an outcast and labeled a traitor to his race and religion.
All these are because of his conviction to reform Malaysia’s politics of race and fear while advocating good governance free of corruption. The international community and experts have noted the government’s use of corruption, repeated sodomy and other charges to carry out a political assassination of Anwar Ibrahim. This has been vindicated by his acquittals and recently by Saiful Bukhari’s father, Azlan Mohd Lazim on March 8, 2013 revealing the second sodomy charge was an “evil conspiracy” against Anwar.
The call by the Minister of Home Affairs for investigations into the mastermind behind the Lahad Datu incursion after the media frenzy against Anwar Ibrahim will surprise no one if the Security Offences Special Measures) Act is used to take out their biggest nemesis and threat in the coming elections.
Intimidation and Thugs
Another hallmark of an electoral authoritarian regime is the use of violence and intimidation. Robert Mugabe’s use of bully boys to intimidate voters is well documented. So is the increasing frequency and escalating violence of thugs waving UMNO flags disrupting Anwar Ibrahim and Pakatan Rakyat’s campaigns.
On March 8 2013, PKR’s campaign bus on its “Merdeka Rakyat Tour” carrying Anwar Ibrahim was attacked. Thugs also stormed his ceramah in Kampung Bukit Katil, Melaka. They smashed the bus windows causing the glass shards to injure passengers, supporters, reporters and also Anwar. PKR supporters have been injured by stones thrown at Anwar’s rallies. In Lembah Pantai, flower pots werethrown injuring those at the rally. In Gombak, one supporter was slashed by a kerabit. UMNO thugs have attacked Tian Chua at two of his ceramahs.
These bullying tactics will become more severe as the campaign heats up. Authoritarian regimes turn to their nastiest levels of repression, intimidation and fraud when they are most vulnerable, not when their political domination is secured.
Freeing Malaysia from the electoral Authoritarian Regime
Law-abiding and right thinking Malaysians must put an end to the authoritarian regime and restore democracy. Elections in an electoral authoritarian regime may become moments of liberalization and provide a new beginning.
One of the reasons that electoral authoritarian regimes are able to survive is because of their ability to divide and fragmentize the Opposition. The more divided the Opposition parties, the more susceptible they are to governmental manipulation, cooptation and repression. In order for the Opposition to gain victory over an electoral authoritarian regime, it “requires a level of opposition mobilization, unity, skill and heroism far beyond what would normally be required for victory in a democracy.”
The formation of an Opposition coalition is the first ingredient towards a liberalizing electoral outcome. The formation of an opposition coalition does not refer to the strength of the opposition per se and it is not based merely on the degree of hostility to a leader or party in power. Many authoritarian incumbents are deeply unpopular. Yet despite their lack of popular support,such incumbents often maintain their hold on power.This is due to the opposition’s inability to form effective organizational structures to challenge the government in the electoral arena.
Political scientists have found that what is important is for the Opposition to come together not by giving up their own party’s interest or submitting to a charismatic leader, but in forming a strategic coalition for the specific goal of winning the election.
An Opposition coalition increases the probability of political liberalization: (1) by taking away votes from the ruling regime. When the Opposition joins together, an unpopular incumbent is less able to use repression and patronage to coerce and induce people to vote for him; (2) it can prevent incumbents from playing Opposition parties and leaders against each other; (3) it increases the risk and cost of repression and manipulation. The Police, army, bureaucrats and judiciary are less inclined to employ illegal practices in favour of the incumbent due to fears of recrimination by the Opposition if they calculate that the Opposition is able to mount a credible challenge to the ruling party and wins; (4) it can mobilize people to vote against the incumbent as the electorate gets a sense that change is possible and view the Opposition as an alternative governing coalition.
PKR, PAS and DAP after 2008 General Elections,forged a coalition, Pakatan Rakyat. In coming together each retained their respective party’s interest and policies by agreeing to a Common Policy Platform in 2009. In 2010, the coalition announced a set of policies and programmes known as “The Buku Jingga” for the first 100 days of its administration. On February 25, 2013, the coalition unveiled its manifesto. Pakatan Rakyat has given Malaysians hope that change is not just a possibility but can be a reality.
Rise of the Moderates
The second ingredient for the liberalization of Malaysia is for moderates to act. In every authoritarian regime, notwithstanding its use of oppression and electoral fraud it retains support of a core group. There is also a core support group for the Opposition parties. The election is ultimately a contest for the votes of the moderates. The incumbent relies on the media and the unlevelled playing field to entice the moderates Moderates vote the incumbent due to their lack of information.
Unlike previous elections Malaysians today are aware that the nation is ruled by an electoral authoritarian regime. The moderates in general and Bumiputras forming 60% of the electorate in particular, must realize that electoral fraud cannot be condoned.
Electoral fraud: (1) destroys the very essence of every citizen’s democratic right to vote for his or her government,irrespective of his or her race, religion or political ideology; (2) undermines the foundation of a nation, the social consensus of upholding legality; (3) cost the regime loss of legitimacy which damages both the autocrats’ and the nation’s reputation in the international community; (4) increases patronage, rent seeking corruption, abuse of power and plundering of the nation’s resources;
Moderates must therefore protest in the strongest terms by voting out the electoral authoritarian regime. Pakatan Rakyat is ready to knock on Putrajaya’s door. It remains to be seen whether the moderates will want to open the door or stand idly by watching their elections being stolen from them.
The Economist report said:
“Mr Najib has the advantages of incumbency—such as deciding when to call elections.”
In fact, the very opposite is the case, as Najib has exhausted all the advantages of incumbency, such as “deciding when to call elections”, because of an unprecedented series of inconsistencies and indecisiveness causing him to miss his most ideal timing for the 13GE, i.e. in 2011 including his one-time favourite date of 11.11.11.
The question now is whether Najib will continue to lead an “expired government” without Parliamentary dissolution despite the automatic dissolution of the BN-controlled Negri Sembilan State Assembly on Tuesday, 26th March.
When the final date for Parliament’s dissolution comes, whether end-March, early-April or even April 11, public interests on the subject will be minimal in Najib’s four-year premiership.
Regardless of when Parliament will be dissolved for the holding of 13GE, Najib should be cautioned against getting so desperate as to succumb to the temptation to commit the grossest abuse of power recommended by the UMNO/BN “Dirty Tricks” department to exclude the use of the Rocket symbol in the 13GE through illegal and unconstitutional suspension or ban of the DAP!
The UMNO/BN “Dirty Tricks” department may think that this ploy will inflict supreme damage on Pakatan Rakyat by excluding the use of the Rocket symbol in the 13GE ( as elections will be over even if DAP finally vindicates itself and wins a legal suit against the Barisan Nasional government in protracted litigation in the courts of law) – but this may prove to be most fatal mistake of all by Najib in his four years as Prime Minister.
This is because it may usher a new political configuration that will prove to be the undoing of UMNO/BN, not only the last straw that breaks the camel’s back with regard to public outrage to demand the end the regime of abuses of power in the citadels of power in Putrajaya, but also contributing to an hitherto unthinkable consolidation of Pakatan Rakyat, as for instance, my contesting on PAS or PKR symbol in the 13GE!